Monday, 27 June 2016

Appeal of the Workers' Socialist Party

Transform the Indefinite Nationwide Strike of July 11
into a General Political Strike

Carry Forward the Struggle
For Establishment of a Workers’ and Peasants’ Government


Comrades,

The strike with participation of 13 lakh railway employees is going to inaugurate on July 11. After 1974, it would be the first nationwide, indefinite strike of railways. Immediate and prominent demands of the strike include: Review of the recommendations of Seventh Pay Commission and the New Pension Policy, an increase in minimum wages from Rs.18000 to Rs.26000 pm and filling of the vacancies in railways. With declaration for joining the strike by the employees in Defence and Postal sectors, the total number of strikers may go beyond 35 lakhs.

From this angle, the strike of July 11 is very important. This strike may shake the capitalist government to its hilt, may bring it to its knees, and may pose a big challenge to the government led by capitalists.

To achieve this, broadest possible base must be acquired by the strike. To prevent its isolation and to make the strike effective, wider sections of the working class, especially those employed in strategically important industries and services, must be drawn to this strike. Alongside of raising and adding the demands that may influence the workers, employees all over the country, we must strive for transforming the strike into a general political strike, that finally must be turned to a revolutionary struggle against the capitalist government.

Sunday, 26 June 2016

वर्कर्स सोशलिस्ट पार्टी का आह्वान

११ जुलाई की राष्ट्रव्यापी अनिश्चितकालीन हड़ताल को
आम राजनीतिक हड़ताल में बदलते हुए
मजदूर-किसान सरकार की स्थापना के लिए
संघर्ष को आगे बढ़ाओ!

साथियो,

११ जुलाई से रेल मजदूरों की देशव्यापी, अनिश्चितकालीन हड़ताल शुरू होने वाली है, जिसमें १३ लाख रेल कर्मचारी भाग लेंगे. १९७४ के बाद यह पहली देशव्यापी, अनिश्चितकालीन हड़ताल होगी. हड़ताल की फौरी और प्रमुख मांगें हैं: सातवें वेतन आयोग की सिफारिशों और नई पेंशन नीति पर पुनर्विचार, न्यूनतम वेतन १८ हज़ार से बढाकर २६ हज़ार, और कर्मियों के रिक्त पदों पर नियुक्तियां. रक्षा और डाक-तार सहित कुछ और क्षेत्रों में भी कर्मियों ने इस हड़ताल में भाग लेने की घोषणा कर दी है, जिससे हड़तालियों की कुल संख्या ३५ लाख के पार जा सकती है.

इस दृष्टि से, ११ जुलाई की यह हड़ताल, बहुत महत्वपूर्ण है. यह हड़ताल, पूंजीवादी सरकार की चूल हिला सकती है, उसे घुटनों पर ला सकती है और पूंजीपतियों के नेतृत्व वाली सत्ता के लिए मजदूर वर्ग की ओर से बड़ी चुनौती बन सकती है.

इस उद्देश्य को हासिल करने के लिए, हड़ताल को व्यापकतम आधार देना होगा. इसे अलग-थलग पड़ने से बचाने और प्रभावी बनाने के लिए, मजदूरों, कर्मियों के अधिकाधिक हिस्सों को, विशेषतः रणनीतिक रूप से महत्वपूर्ण उद्योगों और सेवाओं में लगे मजदूरों को, इस हड़ताल में खींचा जाना चाहिए. इसके लिए देश भर में मजदूरों, कर्मियों के दूसरे हिस्सों को प्रभावित करने वाली आम आर्थिक, राजनीतिक मांगों को जोड़ते, उठाते हुए, हड़ताल को आम राजनीतिक हड़ताल में बदलते हुए, पूंजीवादी सरकार के विरुद्ध क्रान्तिकारी संघर्ष की ओर मोड़ा जाना चाहिए.

Saturday, 21 May 2016

Assembly Polls in Five States, Ring the Death Knell for Stalinist Left

- Rajesh Tyagi/ 21.5.2016

The results of the recent 2016 Assembly polls in five states in India, are not beyond speculations. Results are demonstrative of a clear advance of right-wing BJP, a debacle for Congress and continued routing of Stalinists.

BJP has succeeded in sweeping polls in Assam, while Tamilnadu and West Bengal voting in favour of regional parties- the AIADMK led by J. Jayalalitha and TMC led by Mamata Banerjee respectively.

Poll results are clearly indicative of a continuing rightward swing in Indian politics in reversal of the left leaning in 2004 parliamentary elections and a lull in 2009.

Sunday, 24 April 2016

The Struggle of Garment Workers in Bengaluru Opens a New Threshold to Radicalisation of the Working Class

-Rameshwar Dutta/ 24.4.2016

Recently, Bengaluru had witnessed a sudden upsurge of more than one lakh garment workers. The outburst appeared as a bolt out of the blue. Magnitude and intensity of the protests was unprecedented, at least in over a decade.

The garment workers, vast majority of which were women, had been protesting recent amendments in the Rules under Employees’ Provident Fund Act. The amendment stealthily introduced by the central government, vide notification of February 10, virtually blocked the withdrawal of employers’ contribution to the employees’ provident fund, that comes around 3.67% of the basic salary of a workman, till the workman attains the age of 58 years. For long, the central government had been eyeing the huge corpus of provident fund contributions as long term investment chunk for corporates. The amendment was part of a whole series of labour reforms, that remains in the offing.

Tuesday, 12 April 2016

How the Second Revolution of 1978-79, failed in Iran

- Rajesh Tyagi/12.4.2016


The first revolutionary wave in Persia in early 1920s, though ebbed after its defeat by betrayals of right-wing socialist-nationalists, but it proved abortive to facilitate the collapse of Qazar dynasty.

In 1921 Reza Khan, a military officer in Persia’s Cossack Brigade, staged a military coup against the crumbling Qajar Dynasty, and declared himself ‘Shah of Persia’. After a civil war, in 1925 Persia witnessed the fall of Qazar and rise of Pahalvi dynasty headed by Raza Khan. With his ascendance to throne, Raza Khan, in order to stabilize his power, introduced reforms, curtailing power of Shia clergy. While Qazar dynasty was adhered to British imperialists, Pahalvi dynasty took to the US Imperialists.

The new regime was no less oppressive than the old one, except that it started opening Persia more and more to foreign markets and offering its natural and human resources to global capital.

Monday, 11 April 2016

ਸਿਰਫ਼ ਅਤੇ ਸਿਰਫ਼ ਮਾਰਕਸਵਾਦੀਆਂ ਕੋਲ਼ ਹੈ ਜਾਤ ਦੇ ਸਵਾਲ ਦੀ ਬੁਝਾਰਤ ਦਾ ਜਵਾਬ

-ਰਾਜੇਸ਼ ਤਿਆਗੀ/ 05/04/2016
-ਅਨੁਵਾਦਰਜਿੰਦਰ

ਅੰਬੇਡਕਰਵਾਦੀ ਦਾਅਵਾ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ "ਮਾਰਕਸਵਾਦੀਆਂ ਕੋਲ਼ ਜਾਤ ਦੇ ਸਵਾਲ ਦਾ ਜਵਾਬ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ". ਸਤਾਲਿਨਵਾਦੀ ਤੁਰੰਤ ਸੁਰ ਵਿਚ ਸੁਰ ਮਿਲਾਉਂਦਾ ਹੈ, "ਤਾਂ ਫਿਰ ਮਾਰਕਸ ਅਤੇ ਅੰਬੇਡਕਰ ਨੂੰ ਮਿਲਾ ਦਿਉ".

ਅੰਬੇਡਕਰਵਾਦੀ ਅਤੇ ਸਤਾਲਿਨਵਾਦੀ ਦੋਨੋਂ ਹੀ ਅਸਲੀ ਮੁੱਦੇ ਦਾ ਵਿਗਾਡ਼ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ. ਦੋਨੋਂ ਹੀ ਜਾਤ ਦੇ ਸਵਾਲ ਨੂੰ ਸਹੀ ਸੰਦਰਭ ' ਰਖ ਸਕਣ ਤਕ ' ਅਸਮਰਥ ਹਨ, ਉਸਦੇ ਹਲ ਦੀ ਪੇਸ਼ਕਾਰੀ ਤਾਂ ਬਹੁਤ ਦੂਰ ਦੀ ਗੋਟੀ ਹੈ.

ਭਾਰਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਜਾਤ ਦਾ ਸਵਾਲ ਇਸਦੇ ਸਮਾਜਿਕ ਵਿਕਾਸ ਦੀ ਵਿਸ਼ਿਸ਼ਟਤਾ ਤੋਂ ਉੱਭਰਦਾ ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਕਿ ਚਾਰ ਵਰਣਾਂ- ਬ੍ਰਹਾਮਣ, ਖੱਤਰੀ, ਵੈਸ਼ ਅਤੇ ਸ਼ੂਦਰਾਂ ਦਰਮਿਆਨ ਭੱਦੀ ਕਿਰਤ-ਵੰਡ ਦੇ ਰੂਪ ' ਪਾਇਆ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ ਜਾਤਾਂ ਦੀ ਦਰਜੇਬੰਦੀ ਬਹੁਤ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਅਤੀਤ ' ਚਾਰ ਵਰਣਾਂ ਦੇ ਬਹੁਤ ਮਜ਼ਬੂਤੀ ਨਾਲ਼ ਜਕੜੀ ਵਿਵਸਥਾ ਵਿੱਚ ਹੋਲੀ-ਹੋਲੀ ਵਿਕਸਿਤ ਹੋਈ ਸੀ ਇਸ ਵਿਵਸਥਾ ਤਹਿਤ ਪੌੜੀ ਦੇ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਹੇਠਲੇ ਟੰਬੇ 'ਤੇ ਘਸੀਟਦਿਆਂ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਮਾਜ ਦਾ ਬੋਝ ਲਾਜ਼ਿਮੀ ਤੌਰ 'ਤੇ 'ਸ਼ੂਦਰਾਂ' ਦੇ ਮੋਢਿਆਂ 'ਤੇ ਲੱਦ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਗਿਆ ਵਰਣ ਸਖ਼ਤੀ ਨਾਲ਼ ਜਨਮ ਤੋਂ ਹੀ ਪਛਾਣਿਆ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਸੀ ਅਤੇ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਹਾਲਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਬਾਅਦ ਵਿੱਚ ਇਸਨੂੰ ਹਾਸਿਲ ਜਾਂ ਬਦਲਾਇਆ ਨਹੀਂ ਜਾ ਸਕਦਾ ਸੀ

Tuesday, 5 April 2016

Only Marxism Holds the Key to Caste Question in India

-Rajesh Tyagi/5.4.2016

‘Marxists have no answer to caste question’, claims the Ambedkarite. ‘Let Marx and Ambedkar get together then’, succumbs the Stalinist, forthwith. 

Both Stalinists and Ambedkarites distort the real issue and fail to pose the question in correct perspective, what to say of venturing upon its resolution!

Caste question in India emerges from peculiarity of its social development, that in turn was founded upon crude division of social labour among four varnas- Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra. The hierarchy of castes has developed gradually in the distant past, within this tightly caged system of four varnas. Through this system, the burden of all social toil, was shifted essentially to the shoulders of ‘Sudras’ pushed to lowest pedestal of this social ladder. Varna was strictly identified with one’s birth and in no case could be acquired or altered by choice later.

Capitalism, came to India, in the form of colonialism. However, colonialism itself was the irrefutable proof of the fact that capitalism was already suffocating in the countries of its origin in the West and was decadent. The role of capitalism in India was not to liberate the forces of production from medieval shackles, but to simply subjugate them to itself. Colonialists had no interest in breaking up the old social structures in India, but to make inroads into them superimposing new social relations wherever they were needed.

Social canvas of the old society, knit through which is the hierarchy of castes, thus faced no challenge from the new. On the contrary, there occurred a gradual mutual adaptation between the old and the new.